For his entry to History
of Political Philosophy, Martin Diamond approaches his essay in a different
fashion than the others have. While every other essay in the book focuses on
one philosopher, or as in the case of Luther and Calvin as well as Bentham and
Mill, two Diamond approached his essay differently as he instead focuses on one
collection of essays written by three men and later compiled into a single
book, that book being The Federalist
Papers. Diamond begins his essay by noting that The Federalist Papers are both bound to their time and also able to
address future generations. And while many critics of the essays have
maintained that they amount to nothing more than pro-Constitution propaganda
and are actually of low quality. Diamond argues for their place in the history
of political philosophy.
First and
foremost, The Federalist Papers are
to be understood as a defense of the republic and it is for this reason that
the three authors, John Jay, Alexander Madison, and John Madison; all
took Roman pseudonyms. Diamond also sees The
Federalist Papers as primarily undertaking two tasks. These tasks are as
follows: 1) defend the proposed Constitution and 2) critique the currently
existing confederation. In order to do this, they had to fundamentally change
how Americans viewed their republic as the United States had to now be seen as
a republic, not as a collection of republics. This was an important task as the
Constitution was often seen as anti-republican as it was generally assumed at
the time that only small countries could be republican in nature while larger
counties by their nature trended towards despotism. It was well understood that
a republic needed a well-educated and engaged population and a small country
was seen as the most conductive environment for these factors.
For the Federalists
however, the Constitution provided a framework for such a citizenry. In The Federalist Papers, a much more pure
synthesis of republicanism and democracy is proposed while this synthesis still
maintains a distinction between a republic and pure democracy. Instead, the
virtue of “popular government” is exalted which created the idea that the
United State was not a mixed regime, but rather a wholly popular state. For
this, a new science of politics would be needed that would now be focused on
the new understanding of democracy and would also be more tailored for a large
republic.
This is not
to say the Federalists had an unwavering support of democracy, as they did
recognize three instances where democracy could go wrong. These instances are
as follows: 1) the people lose control of their representatives, 2) popular
majorities, through their elected officials, become oppressive, and 3) popular
majorities become foolish and as a result, elected officials become the same.
Because of these fears, safeguards to prevent this from happening become
essential as now tyranny can come from both rulers as well as from the masses.
One of the key ways in which this was done was by splitting the legislature
into two houses while the legislature itself was to be checked by both the
executive and judicial branches. Here, the Federalists were trying to encourage
the development of rightly understood ambition that could harness the power of
ambition to do good while avoiding the negative consequences of ambition. Representation
is also seen as essential as for the Federalists; representative government can
check the excesses of both government of the few as well as government by the
many.
In the end, the idea
of separation of powers and checks and balances is a major factor in Federalist
arguments for a large republic as while separation of powers is essential for
preserving liberty, it is not seen as being very useful in a small republic.
What this means is that in order to properly maintain separation of power, a large
republic is needed. This connects deeply to the idea of factions, which are
seen as good as they can prevent one faction from gaining too much power.
Smaller societies are seen as more united and thus it is easier for one faction
to gain control of the society. By contrast, a large representative republic is
seen as more likely to produce the sort of divisions that great factions, thus
making it more difficult for one faction to gain control. Because of this
elevation of the importance of factions, commercial republics are highly
regarded as they encourage the diversity that creates factions. Furthermore,
trade is seen as an important way of bringing about freedom. Even more
important is what the use of factions shows what the Federalists are trying to do,
get good results for bad motivation. This is because the Federalists know that
ultimately the motivation for each of the factions is selfish, but through
their coming together, this selfish motivation can be used to bring about good.
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