David Bolotin contributed the first chapter for Strauss and
Cropsey’s History of Political Philosophy
with his essay on Thucydides. Admittedly, this is one of the more controversial
inclusions in the book as Bolotin readily admits in his introduction,
Thucydides is more often seen as a historian than a political philosopher as
his only book, History of the Peloponnesian
War dealt only with the history of the 5th century Greek
conflict between Athens and its allies and Sparta and its allies without making
any specific references to how to govern
properly or what kind of order is a just order. Seeing the book as mere history
though, according to Bolotin is overly simplistic as Thucydides did not simply
talk about a particular historical era, but also attempted to inform people for
“all times.” For Thucydides, the universal questions that the Greek
philosophers asked must be fixed as improper universal questioning leads to
poor particular judgment.
One of the major ways in which Thucydides turns his work
into political philosophy is through his careful analysis on the origins of the
war, which allows questions of justice concerning the war to arise. While space
prevents a detailed analysis of the war itself, what really matters for the
purpose of this essay is how Thucydides interpreted the events. Here Thucydides
goes against the popular opinion on who was to blame for the war as most of the
public held that Athens was the guilty party because they broke their treaties
with Sparta. But for Thucydides, this reasoning is overly simplistic as he sees
no other real option for the Athenians. He also refuses to see a plague that
Athens suffered or its horrible defeat at Sicily as punishment for unjust acts
by the Athenians, although he does allow the reader to draw that particular
conclusion.
Instead of seeing Athens’ defeat as a part of divine
retribution, Thucydides views the defeat as one of great sadness. Furthermore,
when discussing the atrocities Athens committed, Thucydides shows himself to
have a very grim view of human nature as he points out, the atrocities Athens committed
were similar to events that had happened before the war and will be similar to
events that take place after the war ended. For Thucydides, as long as human
beings exist, atrocities will also exist. This is not to suggest that
Thucydides simply casts blame on every party and declares he can take no part
in the conflict due to immoral acts made by all, for while he may see human
depravity as universal, he does not see it as equal.
Much of Bolotin’s essay focuses on how Thucydides saw the
actions of the Athenian leadership. Of particular importance was the argument
made that Athens would have to forgo its traditional virtue to win the war. For
Thucydides, this was important as it showed that the idea of “the good” in
Athens had been shifted away from the universals to what was good for Athens.
For the Athenian leadership, the war was a chance to great a “benevolent empire”
by which the ideas of truth, beauty, and the just man could be spread. And
while Thucydides does not see every action committed by the Athenians as being
guided by justice, he still remains sympathetic to the leadership’s claims as
he does see justice as the ultimate goal of the Athenians. What’s more,
Thucydides also points out that several times during the war, the Athenians had
a chance to commit atrocities, but chose not to do so. This is a further
example of Thucydides willingness to buck what made up the common knowledge of
his day as most people still thought that Athens had committed unprecedented and
unspeakable atrocities. A further example of this can be seen in his treatment
of the Athenian tyrants. While many saw the defeat Athens suffered as
punishment for having tyrannical government, Thucydides rejects this view,
noting that the Athenian tyrants still practiced “virtue and intelligence.” Though
Thucydides writings, a more balanced view of the war can emerge.
This is not to say that Thucydides is producing mere
pro-Athens propaganda, such a reading of him would be grossly unfair as he is
willing to criticize the Athenian regime when he feels the facts warrant it.
For example, Pericles encouraged the Athenians to try and take Sicily, believing
that by doing so the Athenians would create the greatest of Greek empires. He
also believed that decline was inevitable, regardless of whether or not the
Athenians created an empire, so it was best for the Athenians to go ahead and
create such an empire and enjoy a more glorious present as their future decline
was already set. The line of thinking displayed here eventually lead to the disastrous
campaign in Sicily, an event in which all the Athenians who were sent to Sicily
died. Thucydides sees the disaster as a result of unrestrained private
ambitions, a situation that had developed as a result of Pericles’ death, which
took away the checks on their own ambition many Athenian politicians had.
Another important element in Thucydides thought is that he believes
that despite the disadvantages the Athenians suffered, they still had a chance
to win the war. While at first glance this may come across as biased thinking
on the part of someone who tended to side with Athens, in reality Thucydides
made a very important breakthrough in thought as if it is the case than Athens
had a chance to win the war, it means that defeat was not due to the inevitable
laws of nature or the acts of the gods. Essentially, by refusing to see
Athenian defeat as unavoidable, Thucydides manages to avoid falling into
fatalism, which had been extremely popular during his day.
In the last part of his essay, Bolotin discusses Thucydides attitudes
towards Diodotus, an Athenian politician best known for his opposition to Cleon’s
plan to massacre the Mytilenean men and enslave their women and children after
they revolted against Athenian rule. Diodotus proposed governing by what he
called a “moderated city” in which self-interest and justice were both
considered. Diodotus is important as while most of the speakers in Thucydides’
work spoke of the common/ collective good, he stands out by putting great
importance on the good of the individual. Eventually though Diodotus was lead
to a crisis as without a belief in the greatest things, he is compelled to lie
to prevent the massacre. Ultimately though, Diodotus has the same bleak view of
humanity Thucydides does, but is also heavily individualistic, particularly for
his time period as he places more emphasis on the good of the individual than
on the good of the city.
Regardless of how Thucydides is commonly thought of, he ultimately
becomes, perhaps without being aware of it, a political philosopher. The major
difference between Thucydides and many of the other thinkers outlined in this
book is that while they came to political philosophy directly, Thucydides comes
to political philosophy by thinking about political life.
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